June 23, 2004
Northwoods to 9/11
Was 9/11 the resurfacing of Operation Northwoods?
The following appeared in an abridged form as the introduction to Ambushed by Toby Rogers.
Operation Northwoods
Operation Northwoods was an early '60s plan by the Joint Chiefs of
Staff to create a pretext for an invasion of Cuba by carrying out
terror attacks against Americans in US cities.
The plans are described in Body of Secrets (Doubleday), by
investigative reporter James Bamford (see "U.S. Military Wanted to
Provoke War With Cuba" at ABC News.)
According to the ABC report, "The plans reportedly included the
possible assassination of Cuban ÈmigrÈs, sinking boats of Cuban
refugees on the high seas, hijacking planes, blowing up a U.S. ship,
and even orchestrating violent terrorism in U.S. cities. The plans were
developed as ways to trick the American public and the international
community into supporting a war to oust Cuba's then new leader,
communist Fidel Castro."
The plan laid out a design for attacks on Americans by the US
government. "The desired resultant from the execution of this plan
would be to place the United States in the apparent position of
suffering defensible grievances from a rash and irresponsible
government . . . and to develop an image of a threat to peace in the
Western Hemisphere," the document said matter-of-factly. "We could
develop a Cuban terror campaign . . . in Washington . . . Hijacking
attempts against civil air and surface craft should appear to continue
. . . It is possible to create an incident which will demonstrate that
a Cuban aircraft has shot down a chartered civil airliner en route from
the US to Jamaica, Guatemala, Panama or Venezuela . . . It is possible
to create an incident which will make it appear that Communist Cuban
MIGs have destroyed a USAF aircraft over international waters in an
unprovoked attack."
According to ABC, "The plans had the written approval of all of the
Joint Chiefs of Staff and were presented to President Kennedy's defense
secretary, Robert McNamara, in March 1962. But they apparently were
rejected by the civilian leadership and have gone undisclosed for
nearly 40 years."
Three days after the presentation of the plan to McNamara, Kennedy
personally told the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Gen. Lyman L.
Lemnitzer that "there was virtually no possibility of ever using overt
force to take Cuba."
And there it lay.
JFK rejected Northwoods. After being tricked by the CIA into the Bay of
Pigs invasion/catastrophe, he vowed to tear the CIA apart and scatter
it to the winds. He also ordered withdrawal of American troops from
Vietnam. Soon after that Kennedy was assassinated. Within a week of his
death his order to withdraw from Vietnam was rescinded and replaced
with orders to build up troops in Vietnam. The next year a phony
incident in the Gulf of Tonkin was used as a pretext to escalate the
Vietnam War. But nothing as outrageous as Operation Northwoods was
attempted at that time.
The Bay of Pigs
There is evidence that George Bush's involvement with the CIA dates
back at least as far back as the 1961 Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba,
which was given the CIA code name Operation Zapata. The names of the
ships used for the invasion were Houston, Zapata and Barbara. Bush's
oil company at the time was Zapata Oil, based in Houston. Bush had
named his plane in World War II "Barbara."
On November 29, 1963, a week after the assassination of JFK, a memo was
issued by J. Edgar Hoover saying "Mr. George Bush of the CIA had been
briefed on November 23rd, 1963 about the reaction of anti-Castro Cuban
exiles in Miami to the assassination of President Kennedy." (Originally
published in The Nation, 8/1/88. See Paul Kangas in The Realist: )
October Surprise
Bush claims not to have been a member of the CIA until he became
director under the previous unelected president, Gerald Ford. Bush
maintained his contacts in secret meetings with the agency during the
Carter years, and Bush and William Casey were central figures in the
shadowy negotiations that came to be known as "The October Surprise."
The Reagan-Bush campaign secretly negotiated with the Iranians who were
holding the U.S. hostages. The apparent result of the negotiations was
that the hostages were not released before the 1980 election, which
would have greatly boosted Carter's chances of re-election. (See Gary
Sick's October Surprise for the whole story.)
The incident had a precedent in 1968 when presidential candidate
Richard Nixon secretly communicated with the regime of South Vietnam
urging its President Thieu to hold off on making the peace settlement
President Johnson was desperately trying to pressure him into before
the 1968 election.
Nixon used his contacts from his term as Eisenhower's vice president to
contact South Vietnam's president Thieu. The message was simple: Hold
out. You'll get a better deal under a Nixon presidency. And Thieu did,
but American soldiers dying in Vietnam as the war dragged on for four
more years didn't. (See The Arrogance of Power by Anthony Summers)
Bush Under Reagan
In the early days of Reagan's presidency, Bush established himself as a
powerful operator behind the scenes, arguably more powerful than Reagan
himself. From the moment of the shooting of Ronald Reagan in March 1981
-- only two months after Reagan's inauguration -- George Bush took
advantage of the power vacuum created by Reagan's removal to put
structures of power in place that he would use during the rest of
Reagan's term to run various covert operations. During the first
critical months of the new administration, when its foundations were
being built, Bush essentially took power.
While Reagan convalesced from the shooting, Bush took a command
position over new offices created by the new administration with names
like the Special Situation Group, the Crisis Management Center, the
Terrorist Incident Working Group, the Task Force on Combating Terrorism
and the Operations Sub Group. When Reagan returned from his
convalescence, he took on the formal appearance of the presidency, but
he was largely disengaged. In a very real sense, the first Bush
presidency was a 12-year term.
Iran Contra
The criminal adventures of the Bush syndicate continued in the '80s
with the funding of a death squad terrorist militia to overthrow the
democratically elected government of Nicaragua through terrorizing and
slaughtering the population. When Congress explicitly outlawed the use
of U.S. tax money to arm and sustain the Contras, as the death squads
were called (or "Freedom Fighters" as Ronald Reagan called them), the
Reagan-Bush administration kept the money flowing to the Contras from
sales of weapons to Iran. While they continued the scam, they pretended
in public that "we will never negotiate with terrorists." "Terrorists"
at that time, after the Iranians had "brought the American giant to its
knees" by taking of hostages, meant Iran.
The secret arms-for-hostages deals with the Iranians (the Iran Contra
affair), were a logical extension of the kinds of negotiations that
were undertaken by Bush and Casey with Iranian officials in the October
Surprise when Carter was president.
According to retired Navy Lt. Cmdr. Al Martin, a former officer in the
Office of Naval Intelligence, a plan was hatched in the 1980s by the
Reagan-Bush administration to provoke a limited nuclear war with the
Soviet Union to cover up Iran-Contra crimes and install a military
dictatorship in the U.S. Under the scenario, George Bush Sr. would have
been president of the military government. Also involved in the alleged
scheme were Iran-Contra criminal Oliver North and CIA Director William
Casey.
Bush On Top
The kinds of wars perpetrated under Reagan, including the invasion of
Grenada and the covert war against Nicaragua and countless covert
operations, continued under Bush Senior, who invaded Panama, aided in
the overthrow of Haiti's president Aristide and attacked Iraq. But Bush
did not handle the public role of president as well as Reagan. The more
people got to know him, the more they smelled something fishy. When he
was defeated by Clinton in '92, he only received 37% of the votes cast,
which are typically only about half the number of eligible voters.
Bush, like his mentor Nixon, was frustrated by the people, who
distrusted both of them instinctively. Both shared a hunger for war
that was constantly stifled by popular resistance. The population had
to be frightened to get them to back a war, to give up their lives for
the cause. It's traditional for rulers to create pretexts for war.
Less than two years before the election of 1992, Bush was riding on
approval ratings in the 80s as a result of the staging of the Gulf War,
and he looked untouchable. He seemed so formidable at the time that few
credible opposition candidates even bothered to put themselves through
the humiliation of getting trounced by him.
The Accidental President
By a quirk of history, one unlikely young governor from Arkansas did
put his hat in the ring. The public's enthusiasm for Bush's war, which
had artificially boosted his ratings, quickly dissipated, and as the
economy continued to deteriorate, the population soured on him and
Clinton beat him.
Clinton broke the momentum of the 12-year Bush reign, and the far right
detested him for it. He managed to take a couple of steps to stop the
hemorrhaging of money under Reagan and Bush that had created by far the
largest deficit in history, and which was dragging down economic
activity. Then he turned to his next big project, which was to be his
legacy: the creation of a national health care system that would
administer affordable health coverage for all Americans.
Clinton's plan was simple: cut the insurance companies - and their huge
profits -- from the system, and use the money saved to operate the
system. Under the plan healthcare would be administered by a civil
organization that was created to provide healthcare, not to maximize
profit. Instead of making some shareholders rich, it would provide
healthcare for the population, the way it is done in most other modern
countries.
But the major corporations that own the insurance companies could never
allow Clinton to take away the easy money they made off insurance, so
they used their enormous financial clout to mount an all-out campaign
to destroy him by any means necessary. With the takeover of Congress by
the Republican party, and the takeover of both parties by big money,
the corporate fascist faction had the powers of government at its
disposal for its partisan agenda.
The right wing never accepted Clinton as a legitimate president, and
fought him every step of the way, using any force it had at its
command. A campaign was launched to smear him, and bring him down with
some kind of scandal (as well documented in The Hunting of the President
by Joe Conason, now made into a film). The Paula Jones lawsuit was
financed privately by the Clinton hunters. The nearly endless and
fruitless Whitewater Investigation cost well over $70 million of
taxpayers hard-earned money to investigate and re-investigate every
aspect of Clinton's life, and especially every detail of his affair
with Monica Lewinsky, for whom the Republican hound dogs in the House
Judiciary Committee seemed swelteringly hot. Other than the illicit sex
act, the investigation turned up nothing that could be used against
Clinton.
Clinton, for all his faults, was brilliant in eluding the hounds, but
his effectiveness as president became a non-issue. It took a nearly a
superman just to hold onto his office while under an endless onslaught.
He would never ever again attempt anything so disobedient to the
corporate powers-that-be as trying to provide the American people a
functioning healthcare system. Instead he will be remembered for his
success in passing the kinds of bills George Bush himself would have
passed if he'd had a Republican legislature, such as the gutting of the
welfare system and the establishment of the misnamed North American
Free Trade Agreement, which is for all practical purposes a
constitution for a global corporate dictatorship.
The Coup of 2000
Although Clinton's presidency was an interruption of the right wing
agenda, the attacks of the right, culminating in Clinton's impeachment,
crippled his agenda and made sure he didn't follow any of his poor-boy
impulses to serve the people rather than the corporate masters. Then
came the son of Bush to put the right wing agenda back on track.
The Bush presidency was established through the coup of Dec. 12, 2000,
in which thousands of voters in Florida were prevented from voting, and
when it looked like Bush was going to lose anyway, his daddy's friends
on the Supreme Court stopped the vote counting and declared Bush the
winner arbitrarily, based on a rapidly plummeting 525-vote lead.
Like any of the incidents in this brief outline, volumes could be
written on the ways the Bush machine corrupted the democratic process
in the election of 2000, and this broad survey is not the place to go
into detail. (For a more comprehensive report, see The Best Election Money Can Buy
by Greg Palast, a good description of the massive program of voter
fraud that was carried out by the Bush machine under Jeb Bush in
Florida.)
The Project for a New American Century
That brings us to the Project for a New American Century (PNAC), the
neo-conservative Washington-based organization funded by three
foundations closely tied to Persian Gulf oil, weapons and defense
industries, whose plan "Rebuilding America's Defenses: Strategies,
Forces and Resources for a New Century," was completed in Septemer
2000. It outlined a plan for world military domination, which we now
see beginning to play out. The plan called for an attack on Iraq,
whether or not Saddam Hussein was in power, in order to solidify a
power base in the Middle East.
The plan was drawn up for Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, Paul Wolfowitz
(Rumsfeld's deputy), George W's younger brother Jeb and Lewis "Scooter"
Libby (Cheney's chief of staff).
"Rebuilding America's Defenses" said that the desired military build-up
needed an attack on America to kick it off. "The process of
transformation," the plan said almost wistfully, "is likely to be a
long one, absent some catastrophic and catalyzing event-like a new
Pearl Harbor."
The American Free Press asked Christopher Maletz, assistant director of
the PNAC about what they meant by the need for "a new Pearl Harbor."
Maletz answered, "They needed more money to up the defense budget for
raises, new arms, and future capabilities. Without some disaster or
catastrophic event" neither the politicians nor the military would have
gone along.
As George W. Bush's former Secretary of the Treasury Paul O'Neill recently revealed in The Price of Loyalty by Ron Suskind, attacking Iraq was the administration's raison d'etre
"from Day One." The PNAC document makes it clear that the real meaning
of Iraq to the elites of the PNAC was to use it as a base for its
planned domination of the Middle East and its oil.
"Rebuilding America's Defenses" makes it clear: "The United States has
for decades sought to play a more permanent role in Gulf regional
security. While the unresolved conflict with Iraq provides the
immediate justification, the need for a substantial American force
presence in the Gulf transcends the issue of the regime of Saddam
Hussein."
The National Security Strategy
In September 2002, the plan of the Project for a New American Century
became the official policy of the United States when the Bush
administration presented its paper "The National Security Strategy of
the United States of America" to Congress. The presentation of an
annual statement of foreign strategy is mandated by a law passed in
1986.
The plan stated that the U.S. will not allow any other country to build
up a military capability that could threaten U.S. superiority. It
proclaimed that the U.S. has the right to strike pre-emptively at any
country it deems a threat. (See the Washington Post. See also "Exposing the PNAC")
9/11
Finally we come to 9/11, a catastrophe in which literally hundreds of
normal security procedures had to fail in order for it to happen. There
was a period of 35 minutes between the second attack on the World Trade
Center -- when it was clear to millions of people around the world that
the U.S. was under attack -- and the attack on the Pentagon. And not
only was the commander in chief sitting doing nothing in a 6th grade
classroom after hearing of the two attacks in New York, the U.S.
defense establishment was nowhere in sight, as if the $400
billion-a-year behemoth did not exist.
George W. Bush himself -- no matter which of the several conflicting
stories he tells about his own behavior that day -- failed utterly to
defend the country or to respond to the crisis when it was ongoing.
Somehow his behavior was spun into that of a hero by the mythmaking
machinery of the corporate media.
The Bush administration has aggressively exploited 9/11 from the moment
it took place to further its agenda and the plan laid out in the papers
of the Project for a New American Century: to dominate the world
militarily and squelch civil liberties domestically.
The administration's vigorous attempts to block any investigation of
the attacks of 9/11 make it hard to know to what degree the Bush regime
is responsible, to what degree it was a lapse, and to what degree was
it intentional. But the inescapable bottom line is, Bush was presiding
over the country, was commander in chief of the armed forces and was
responsible for the country's defense.
There is a massive body of evidence that indicates that the official
story of 9/11 is not true, and that something else was going on besides
a handful of Saudi Arabians with box cutters. A number of websites
catalog the discrepancies well, including Fromthewilderness.com, makethemaccountable.com, and Unansweredquestions.org.
The possibility that the president of the United States would either
allow an attack on Americans to further a political agenda is so
horrifying that many reject the possibility out of hand. David Corn of
The Nation stated a common reaction when he said "the notion that the
U.S. government either detected the attacks but allowed them to occur,
or, worse, conspired to kill thousands of Americans to launch a
war-for-oil in Afghanistan is absurd."
Corn writes that "to execute the simultaneous destruction of the two
towers, a piece of the Pentagon, and four airplanes and make it appear
as if it all was done by another party -- is far beyond the skill level
of U.S. intelligence." Beyond the capability of the
military-intelligence establishment with hundreds of billions of
dollars to spend every year, but the operation was not, according to
the official story, beyond the powers of a Muslim extremist operating
in a cave in Afghanistan.
Obviously someone did it and it was a very impressive operation. We are
told it was Osama bin Laden, and perhaps it was. Corn, like most
Americans, is more comfortable believing his government would never be
capable of failing to act to protect its own people. History clearly
shows otherwise.
What fact eliminates the possibility that the 911 attack was a version
of Operation Northwoods that was not rejected? The horror that the
possibility evokes causes many to reject the possibility out of hand.
But setting that reluctance aside and looking at the evidence coldly,
the evidence seems to lead us directly to the possibility that this
administration dusted off the old Northwoods and put it into action.
Technology for the remote control piloting of aircraft has existed
since the 1940s, and is installed in many passenger aircraft like the
ones used on 9/11. The CIA uses drone planes to carry out
assassinations, (see "Drones of Death" in the Guardian at The Guardian), yet Condoleezza Rice and Dick Cheney's claimed that "no one" ever thought of using planes as weapons before.
Elaborate measures were taken to protect Bush from attack by hijacked
planes that it was feared might be used as weapons in the summer of '01
at the G8 economic summit in Genoa.
Why did the administration go through such acrobatics to pretend no one
in the defense establishment had ever thought of using hijacked planes
as weapons, when it is so obviously untrue? Why does the administration
struggle so hard to keep investigations into 9/11 from proceeding? And
why do Americans not see a great crime in the coverup itself, even if
the administration committed no crime related to 9/11?
All of these outrages stare us in the face - so close we can't see
them. We can't focus. They maintain a moving target. They keep so much
stuff flying around no one can keep up with them. But focus for a
minute on any one aspect of it - how can they get away with suppressing
an investigation into 9/11? - how could they get away with stopping an
election and delivering a bogus, illogical ruling just to get a
political ally into power? - how can they pass a budget that doesn't
stand up to basic arithmetic? - and the magnitude of the outrage
becomes clear.
In Ambushed Toby Rogers presents the underside of the
Bush administration, the side that is too scary to look at by
establishment media. He provides us with a compelling view of the
sleuth working on the crime of the millennium. It is a mystery worth
solving.
One of Rogers' most intriguing discoveries was a piece of news reported
on the morning of September 11 by CBS correspondent John Slattery.
Slattery reported that he had encountered someone at Ground Zero who
identified himself as a member of the White House Advance Office. The
man claimed he had informatioin that a third plane was on its way. It
is striking that that was the same piece of erroneous information the
U.S. military was telling the Port Authority at the time.
Perhaps the most fascinating thing about the Slattery story was the
reaction of the White House to anyone who asked about it. For some
reason, any questions to the White House press office about 9/11 throw
the place into a panic. The staff are rendered dysfunctional. They
can't answer. They can't say they can't answer. They just put it off,
push it away. It's an agency in denial.
Obviously the administration has a big problem with 9/11. It has spun
it into a great triumph of leadership for George W. Bush, but there is
little to support it. Bush took a month-long vacation the month before
the attack. Warnings during that summer were numerous, and in many
cases quite specific. Bush did nothing at all. Ashcroft stopped flying
commercial aircraft, but no official warning was given to the people,
or even to the relevant agencies that may have prevented the attacks.
Somehow all of Rogers' delving into the seamy side of American politics
has not made him cynical. Go figure. He hangs onto an old-fashioned
faith: that the truth will out. I hope he is right.
More on Ambushed:
Democrats.com
Forbes Book Club
Amazon.com